Wednesday, January 25, 2017

Trump signs order for border wall with Mexico

President Donald Trump has signed directives to begin building a wall along US border with Mexico and crack down on US cities that shield undocumented immigrants, moving quickly on sweeping and divisive plans to curb immigration and boost national security.

The move "will improve safety in both countries", Trump said after signing the orders on Wednesday.

"A nation without borders is not a nation. Starting today, the US gets back control of its borders," he said.

"This will help dismantle cartels, keeping illegal weapons and cash from flowing out of American and into Mexico."

The order, signed on Wednesday, will enable construction of "a large physical barrier on the southern border", spokesman Sean Spicer said.

"Building this barrier is more than just a campaign promise, it's a common sense first step to really securing our porous border," Spicer added.

"This will stem the flow of drugs, crime, illegal immigration into the United States."

The measure will also bolster resources for border security agents, increase detention space for undocumented immigrants and ensure people are deported.

In an interview with ABC News on Wednesday, Trump said construction of the wall would start within months, with planning starting immediately, and that Mexico would pay back to the US "100 percent" of the costs.

"We'll be reimbursed at a later date from whatever transaction we make from Mexico," Trump said.

"I'm just telling you there will be a payment. It will be in a form, perhaps a complicated form. What I'm doing is good for the United States. It's also going to be good for Mexico. We want to have a very stable, very solid Mexico." 

Condemning the move, Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto said his country will not pay for the construction of the wall.

"Mexico does not believe in walls. I have said it time and again: Mexico will not pay for any wall," he said.

"I regret and condemn the decision of the United States to continue construction of a wall that, for years, has divided us instead of uniting us," Pena Nieto said in a brief televised message.

The Mexican leader did not comment on his upcoming trip to the US to meet Trump.

Reuters news agency also reported that the Republican president is also expected to take steps in the coming days to limit legal immigration, including executive orders restricting refugees and blocking the issuing of visas to people from several Muslim-majority Middle Eastern and North African countries including Syria, Sudan, Somalia, Iraq, Iran, Libya and Yemen.

The second executive order signed during an appearance at the Department of Homeland Security was to strip federal grant money from "sanctuary" states and cities, often governed by Democrats, that harbor illegal immigrants.

In an interview with ABC news network, the US president clarified that "illegal immigrants brought to US as children shouldn't be very worried".

Source: Al Jazeera and news agencies

Police say I-G in London to interface with metropolitan

The Nigeria Police Force on Wednesday said that the Inspector-General of police (I-G),Mr Ibrahim Idris’s visit to London was to interface with the London Metropolitan Police Service, contrary to some media reports.

A statement issued by the Force spokesman, Acting Deputy Commissioner of Police, DCP Don Awunah, said that the visit was at the instance of the metropolitan police.

He said that the visit was part of the gains of the International donor platform established by the I-G on assumption of office to empower Police personnel in modern techniques of fighting organised crimes.

Awunah explained that the visit would discuss areas of provision of working tools and capacity building for the Nigeria Police Force .

He noted that although terrorism was being rapidly degraded, there were collateral challenges confronting the nation such as kidnap for ransom, ethnic clashes and politically motivated murder.

The spokesman said that some sections of the Nigerian online and print media were disseminating invented and incorrect stories about the I-G’s visit.

“For the avoidance of doubt, the I-G did not lead “a high powered delegation” to visit President Mohammadu Buhari, who is on vacation in London.

“The visit of IGP to London while the President is on vacation is merely coincidental,“he said.

He said the visit by the I-G would not be the first time the nation’s top security chief would be consolidating on pre-existing protocols and collaborations.

Awunah enjoined the media to always crosscheck their facts rather than hide under the convenient guise of “unconfirmed sources,” to peddle mischief and mislead the public.

He said the Nigeria Police Force would continue to partner with the media in the attainment of National Security Goals.(NAN)

Troops kill militants in Bayelsa

The Joint Military Task Force in the Niger Delta, Operation Delta Safe, has killed two militants during a raid on the hoodlums’ camp in Bayelsa State.

Disclosing this in a statement yesterday, spokesperson of the task force, Lt.-Col. Olaolu Daudu, said the raid was carried out following a tip-off from residents and a vigilante group.

Daudu said the two suspected militants died during a gun battle between operatives of the task force and the militants.

According to Daudu, “Troops of Sector 2 (Bayelsa) Operation Delta Safe deployed in Obama flow station acting on a tip off by locals and a vigilance group raided a militant camp.

“One of the suspects is a notorious leader of criminals popularly known as Labista who is on security agencies’ watch list.’’

Daudu alleged that Labista had at various times engaged in high profile kidnapping, killing of security personnel, piracy, armed robbery and other criminal activities.

“Labista and his cohorts dived into the river in a bid to escape while the raid was ongoing and were engaged by our troops.

“At the end of the operations, the bodies of two notorious criminals were found floating on water.

“They were recovered and deposited at Government Morgue. Items recovered were two single barrel guns, cutlass and four speed boats”, he said.

The spokesperson of the task force restated that the Operation Delta Safe would remain focused on its mandate of check mating oil theft, protecting oil and gas assets as well as providing security for legitimate economic activities.

Buhari determined to end frustration of doing business in Nigeria – Osinbajo

Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, has disclosed that President Muhammadu Buhari is determined to end the frustration people face in doing business with government agencies.

The Vice President made the disclosure at the media launch of MSME clinics at the Presidential Villa, Abuja on Tuesday.

In a statement signed by his Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Laolu Akande, and sent to DAILY POST, Osinbajo recalled how the President sometime in July 2015 spoke to him about the frustrations of those who do business with government agencies.

Osinbajo revealed that Buhari gave an instance where a Non-Governmental Organisation, NGO, “wanted to install a cancer screening equipment donated by a friendly government several years ago, and it took 7years to finally install it.

“He said how does the economy function when government agencies are prepared to deliberately or unwittingly frustrate economic agents.”

The number two man explained that such attitude informed Buhari’s decision to set-up the Presidential Enabling Business Council which was aimed at creating a conducive environment for business people.

According to the statement, “Not surprisingly, one of the early initiatives the President took in 2015 was setting up by a Presidential order, the Presidential Enabling Business Council with the sole objective of creating an enabling environment for business and commerce. Only a few months ago, in a discussion about Made in Nigeria products, the President again drew my attention to the problems that small manufacturers had with just getting required approvals for their products.

“Incidentally also just before that discussion I had toured exhibitions organized for MSMEs to signal support for the men and women who run such enterprises and also to gain an insight into their expectations and concerns.

“I was frankly taken aback on one such occasion, when all I got at nearly every stand were complaints about the difficulties that small businesses were facing in their interactions with various regulatory agencies. Some small manufacturers said they had to hire consultants to take them through an approval process and it still took over a year to get approvals.

“Just yesterday at the quarterly business forum with the Organised Private Sector, one of the participants again complained loudly about the near impossibility of getting approvals expeditiously.

“This was a disturbing finding because it meant that our agencies were yet to buy into a major pillar of our economic recovery plan which is to make it easier to do business in Nigeria. It was also an indication that we needed to do something to change the orientation of our various agencies. “Instead of being merely revenue generating agencies, the various agencies must see themselves as facilitators of business first.

“How then do we, as government and regulators, deal with this problem? The failed method is to seek to intervene with individual agencies to solve the problem of individual MSMEs. This approach is clearly limited given the large number of MSMEs in the country and the fact that it would not contribute to our strategic commitment to improving the business environment across the entire economy.

“Working very closely with the Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment, we came up with the idea of MSME Clinics as one important building block in finding solutions.

“This term was chosen deliberately to reflect three things, all borrowed from the health sector.

“The first is that individual MSMEs face problems that can readily be addressed through direct access to the relevant official.

“The second is that direct consultation with such a fairly senior expert often helps in finding a solution.

“The third is that a reasonably large number of people can be attended to without the need for expensive and time consuming travel to agency offices. In other words, great benefits could be reaped from exploiting economies of scale.

“We will accordingly be bringing all key Federal Government agencies with whom the MSMEs interact together in one place so that small businesses can consult with them directly and obtain solutions on the spot. The MSME Clinic will also serve as a one stop shop for those businesses that need to speak to more than one agency. Given the size of our country and the dispersion of MSMEs, it is evident that the MSME Clinic must go round the various states and to key MSME locations.

“We have therefore brought State Governments on board. This is because they have a better understanding of their local environment and also because they have a key role to play in making life easier for small businesses. In other words, we expect that state government agencies will also imbibe and contribute to achieving the attitudinal change of supporting small business instead of making life difficult for them. We also count on state governments to help mobilise MSMEs to take advantage of the clinic when it comes to their respective states.

“And I must thank their Excellencies, the governors of Abia and Kwara states for their demonstration of commitment to this project.

“It is apposite at this point to stress that this is an exercise that the President attaches great importance to. While the attitude and commitment shown thus far by the relevant agencies is quite commendable, I must stress that our interest is on achieving the desired results.

“The performance of agencies will be tracked by the number of solutions provided to MSMEs who visit their stands. In other words, it is the MSMEs themselves that will report on whether or not they got the desired assistance from participating agencies.

“Let me be clear. This programme is not intended for agencies to go and give lectures on their processes. It is also not about self-advertisement and it definitely is not intended to create another set of ‘road blocks’. It is important at the same time to explain that the idea is not to cast aside regulations and processes put together for societal good but rather to cut red tape and make it less onerous for small businesses to comply with such rules.

“I want individual heads of the various agencies to ensure the success of this endeavour and I expect that they will pay close attention to the participation and performance of their agencies. A first step in this regard, would be to ensure that those assigned to participate in the Clinics are of sufficient seniority to make decisions and solve problems. It would also be good where possible for Chief Executives to visit some of the MSME Clinics to get a personal sense of how things are going.

“I will personally attend a number of the MSME Clinics in various parts of the country. Apart from showing the importance attached to the Clinics, it is also an acknowledgement of the great interest that nearly all governors contacted thus far have shown in the MSME Clinics.

“I wish to thank all of them and the various ministers and heads of agencies who have contributed to articulating the concept and making necessary arrangements to convene the Clinics. I also wish to thank USAID which has lent its support to the process.

“I have no doubt whatsoever that if we continue to work closely together on this initiative, we will bring about a better business environment in our country, especially for MSMEs.”

IN A NEW GAMBIA, THE PRISON DOORS BEGIN TO SWING OPEN

Gambian soldiers picked up Tijan Barrow, beat him with their guns and threw him into a cell at the notorious National Intelligence Agency prison. His alleged crime: Creating and selling T-shirts for the opposition.

In the final days of his crumbling rule, defeated leader Yahya Jammeh turned again to the tactics that human rights groups had long accused his government of using against opponents during his more than 22 years in power.

Now, after Jammeh's weekend flight into exile, the country's prison doors are starting to swing open.

On Saturday, as Jammeh departed and a new democratic era began in this tiny west African country, Tijan and a number of others were released. Officials with the incoming government vow that more will follow.

"All political detainees without trial to be released immediately," the spokesperson for the coalition backing new President Adama Barrow, Halifa Sallah, announced on Tuesday. He did not say how many people might be freed, but he encouraged victims' families to come forward.

'My life was at risk'

It is believed that some were killed in prison under Jammeh. Tijan feared he might join them.

"To be quite honest, my life was at risk," he said, recalling the soldiers' threats. Because he shared the same last name as Barrow, who defeated Jammeh in the December elections, he would spend the rest of his life in jail, they told him.

He spent just a few days.

A dozen or so people like Tijan were rounded up in the final weeks of Jammeh's rule, as he tried to cling to power while challenging his election loss. He finally gave in after intense diplomatic efforts by regional leaders, while a West African military force was poised to oust him if negotiations failed.

His departure has been cheered by many Africans who continue to live under leaders who refuse to give up power and treat opponents harshly.

Barrow this week is expected to return to Gambia after being inaugurated last week in neighboring Senegal for his safety.

New Gambia's potential 

That prisoners are already being released is a sign that the country's security forces recognise their new leader. "It shows the potential for a new Gambia in which these disappearances don't happen," said Jim Wormington, West Africa researcher for Human Rights Watch.

Hundreds of Gambians disappeared during Jammeh's rule. Omar Malleh Jabang was one of them.

Jabang, who knew Jammeh as a young man and once served as his protocol officer, later became a strong supporter of an independent candidate and, ultimately, of the coalition that backed Barrow for the presidency.

In November, Jabang was taken by four men in a pickup truck with tinted windows to a house where he was thrown into a tiny room with planks that covered the window.

He shook as he recalled his imprisonment. He was never told why he was arrested, though it did not come as a surprise.

At one point, he said, his captors wanted to take off his handcuffs, but they wouldn't open. "So they cracked a joke to say they are going to cut my hands to take it off," he said.

Chance to survive 

Jabang managed to respond: "Oh that's fine, cutting my hands would be quicker."

It was at that moment, when his captors laughed, that he knew he had a chance to survive.

Later, detained at the National Intelligence Agency headquarters, he found his interrogators were as curious as he was about the upcoming presidential election and the opposition coalition's chances.

"They knew if things should change, they were going to be answerable to a lot of things," Jabang said. "I had a clear conscience."

The men who detained him worked for the Jungulars, Jammeh's notorious personal military of at least 50 officers, who reportedly went into exile with him in Equatorial Guinea.

While Jabang wasn't tortured during his time at the prison, he teared up recalling the young boy who shared a cell with him, who arrived brutally beaten and crying for his life.

'People are still on the balance' 

Jabang, like many Gambians, is confident that his country will change under its new leader. Democratic institutions will be put in place, the constitution will be reformed to defend people's freedoms and the security forces will be reformed.

He and his countrymen are now searching for the others who disappeared during Jammeh's long rule. Some, they fear, might be dead.

"Because of this man and his ways, people are still on the balance," Jabang said.

As for Tijan, he continues to print his #Gambiahasdecided T-shirts for an opposition that has now taken power. He said he no longer lives in fear.

"Where there was no freedom of speech, there was no justice," he said. "So now, thank God, you are free to say whatever you want."

Sunday, January 22, 2017

JAMMEH FINALL LEAVES THE GAMBIA

Yahya Jammeh, who ruled Gambia for more than 22 years, left the former British colony on Saturday, 52 days after he lost an election to political newcomer Adama Barrow and 69 hours after his official mandate expired.

When he boarded the Guinean government plane, along with Guinean President Alpha Conde, to take him into temporary exile, Mr. Jammeh completed Gambia’s first-ever democratic transfer of power.

Troops from the Economic Community of West African Countries, which entered Gambia on Thursday and were waiting outside the capital, Banjul, didn’t have to fire a single shot.

The Gambian military band played the national anthem as Mr. Jammeh departed. The plane was taking him to Malabo, the capital of Equatorial Guinea, a person familiar with the matter said.

As he walked up the stairs to the airplane, Mr. Jammeh turned around, kissed a copy of the Quran and waved at the few dozen supporters who were bidding him farewell.
Some standing on the tarmac were crying and wailing. One band member fainted and was carried away by his fellow musicians.

Outside the airport, a few supporters of Mr. ​Jammeh, donning T-shirts with his picture and the words “The man of peace and love” were throwing tree branches at military vehicles and journalists and screaming expletives in English.

But other Gambians were celebrating by honking their horns and waving from their vehicles.

In the early hours of Saturday, Mr. Jammeh went on television, telling his fellow Gambians that the power struggle, which had driven some 45,000 of the country’s 2 million residents to flee in recent weeks, had come to a close.

“I have decided today to relinquish, in good conscience, the mantle of leadership of this great nation,” Mr. Jammeh said, his country’s flag hanging behind him.

But until his plane left the tarmac at Banjul airport on Saturday evening, many Gambians were still questioning whether his rule was truly over.


On Dec. 2, a day after his surprise election defeat, Mr. Jammeh gave a similar​televised​ speech and even called his rival to concede the race, only to change his mind days later.

The deal that was finally reached on Saturday shields Mr. Jammeh, his family and supporters from prosecution and protects his assets from being seized. He also will be allowed to return to Gambia “at any time of his choosing,” according to a statement from Ecowas, the African Union and the United Nations.

But as early as Sunday morning, the incoming Gambian administration expressed dissatisfaction with the terms secured by Mr. Jammeh, and even cast doubt on whether it intended to respect them. “That is the perspective from that side,” said Halifa Sallah, a spokesman for Mr. Barrow’s coalition, referring to the statement outlining the deal. Mr. Halifa said that at an earlier point in the last-ditch mediation, Mr. Jammeh appeared to have accepted another set of conditions for his departure, without going into details.

He said Mr. Barrow would return on Banjul later Sunday, where his coalition would give a news conference, following further consultations with Ecowas.

A sense of tense anticipation hung over Banjul for much of Saturday. Just a few cars and bicycles made their way across town as most residents stayed in their homes. Oceanfront resorts, usually busy with guests, were largely empty after international travel operators had ferried out several thousand tourists over the past few days.

“We are getting rid of this dictator, finally,” said Mohammed Jallow, a salesman at a small phone shop—one of just few Banjul stores that opened Saturday—clapping his hands twice excitedly. “But you know, ​I will not be happy until he leaves the country, and he is crazy, so who knows?” Mr. Jallow said.

In a sign that normalcy was slowly returning, the messaging app WhatsApp, which had been blocked across Gambia since before the Dec. 1 election, went back online Saturday afternoon.

By nightfall, young Gambians were dancing and celebrating at a strip of bars and restaurants near the ocean in Banjul, beneath banners “#gambiahasdecided.”

Swaying to the music, 21-year-old student Abdul Lamin said he was proud to be a Gambian.

“I have lived all my life knowing only President Jammeh,” Mr. Lamin said. “Now he has left, I cannot even believe it, but this is a good day for my country.”

He said he hadn’t heard the details of Mr. Jammeh’s departure deal but he believed the former president should face punishment for his alleged crimes.

“He is a very bad man, he tortured people and took freedom from us,” Mr. Lamin said. “The wealth he made through his dictatorship, it should be given back to the people.” ​

Mr. Jammeh’s resignation, albeit late, is a triumph for democracy on a continent where several leaders in recent years either outstayed their mandates or changed their constitutions to abolish term limits. It is also a rare example of ​cross-border collaboration in a region where many such attempts have failed in the face of nationalist policies.

Ecowas leaders had spent weeks working to convince Mr. Jammeh to accept the election results. After Mr. Jammeh’s term expired at midnight Wednesday, it was Ecowas who decided, together with his successor, Mr. Barrow, that the new president should take his oath of office, even though Mr. Jammeh hadn’t yet ceded power. The swearing-in took place​ in Gambia’s embassy in Dakar, Senegal.

​Mr. Jammeh’s fate was sealed when it became clear that​ he ​had lost one of his final allies, Gambia’s military. In a brief news conference​ Saturday morning, army chief ​General Ousman Badjie, said he recognized Mr. Barrow as his commander-in-chief.

“I shall not involve my soldiers in a stupid fight,” Gen. Badjie said.

Once the excitement over Mr. Jammeh’s exits fades, Gambia and its new president face a tough road ahead. One of the world’s poorest nations, Gambia’s gross domestic product is less than $1 billion and its main export is peanuts. This week’s standoff is likely to have done painful damage to Gambia’s burgeoning tourism industry.


@TWSJ




Friday, January 20, 2017

FULL TEXT OF THE INAUGURAL SPEECH OF PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP


"Chief Justice Roberts, President Carter, President Clinton, President Bush, President Obama, fellow Americans and people of the world, thank you.

We, the citizens of America, are now joined in a great national effort to rebuild our country and restore its promise for all of our people. Together we will determine the course of America and the world for many, many years to come. We will face challenges. We will confront hardships, but we will get the job done. 

Every four years we gather on these steps to carry out the orderly and peaceful transfer of power and we are grateful to President Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama for their gracious aid throughout this transition. They have been magnificent. Thank you.

Today's ceremony, however, has very special meaning because, today, we are not merely transferring power from one administration to another or from one party to another, but we are transferring power from Washington, D.C., and giving it back to you, the people.

For too long, a small group in our nation's capital has reaped the rewards of government while the people have born the cost. Washington flourished, but the people did not share in its wealth. Politicians prospered, but the jobs left and the factories closed. 

The establishment protected itself, but not the citizens of our country. Their victories have not been your victories. Their triumphs have not been your triumphs and, while they celebrated in our nation's capital, there was little to celebrate for struggling families all across our land.

That all changes starting right here and right now because this moment is your moment. It belongs to you. It belongs to everyone gathered here today and everyone watching all across America. 

This is your day. This is your celebration, and this, the United States of America, is your country.

What truly matters is not which party controls our government, but whether our government is controlled by the people. January 20th, 2017, will be remembered as the day the people became the rulers of this nation again. The forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer.

Everyone is listening to you now. You came by the tens of millions to become part of an historic movement, the likes of which the world has never seen before. At the center of this movement is a crucial conviction that a nation exists to serve its citizens. 

Americans want great schools for their children, safe neighborhoods for their families, and good jobs for themselves. These are just and reasonable demands of righteous people and a righteous public, but for too many of our citizens, a different reality exists.

Mothers and children trapped in poverty in our inner cities, rusted out factories scattered like tombstones across the landscape of our nation, an education system flush with cash, but which leaves our young and beautiful students deprived of all knowledge and the crime and the gangs and the drugs that have stolen too many lives and robbed our country of so much unrealized potential. This American carnage stops right here and stops right now.

We are one nation and their pain is our pain. Their dreams are our dreams and their success will be our success. We share one heart, one home and one glorious destiny. The oath of office I take today is an oath of allegiance to all Americans. 

For many decades, we've enriched foreign industry at the expense of American industry, subsidized the armies of other countries, while allowing for the very sad depletion of our military.

We've defended other nations' borders, while refusing to defend our own, and spent trillions and trillions of dollars overseas, while America's infrastructure has fallen into disrepair and decay. We've made other countries rich while the wealth, strength and confidence of our country has dissipated over the horizon. 

One by one, the factories shuttered and left our shores with not even a thought about the millions and millions of American workers that were left behind. The wealth of our middle class has been ripped from their homes and then redistributed all across the world.

But, that is the past and now we are looking only to the future. We assembled here today, are issuing a new decree to be heard in every city, in every foreign capital, and in every hall of power. From this day forward, a new vision will govern our land. 

From this day forward, it's going to be only America first. America first. Every decision on trade, on taxes, on immigration, on foreign affairs will be made to benefit American workers and American families.

We must protect our borders from the ravages of other countries making our products, stealing our companies and destroying our jobs. Protection will lead to great prosperity and strength. I will fight for you with every breath in my body and I will never, ever let you down.

America will start winning again. Winning like never before. We will bring back our jobs. We will bring back our borders. We will bring back our wealth. And we will bring back our dreams. We will build new roads and highways and bridges and airports and tunnels and railways all across our wonderful nation. 

We will get our people off of welfare and back to work rebuilding our country with American hands and American labor. We will follow two simple rules: buy American and hire American. We will seek friendship and goodwill with the nations of the world, but we do so with the understanding that it is the right of all nations to put their own interests first.

We do not seek to impose our way of life on anyone, but rather to let it shine as an example. We will shine for everyone to follow. We will reinforce old alliances and form new ones and unite the civilized world against radical Islamic terrorism, which we will eradicate completely from the face of the earth. 

At the bedrock of our politics will be a total allegiance to the United States of America and, through our loyalty to our country, we will rediscover our loyalty to each other. When you open your heart to patriotism, there is no room for prejudice.

The bible tells us how good and pleasant it is when god's people live together in unity. We must speak our minds openly, debate our disagreements honestly, but always pursue solidarity. 

When America is united, America is totally unstoppable. There should be no fear. We are protected and we will always be protected. We will be protected by the great men and women of our military and law enforcement and most importantly, we will be protected by God.

Finally, we must think big and dream even bigger. In America, we understand that a nation is only living as long as it is striving. We will no longer accept politicians who are all talk and no action constantly complaining, but never doing anything about it. 

The time for empty talk is over. Now arrives the hour of action. Do not allow anyone to tell you that it cannot be done. No challenge can match the heart and fight and spirit of America. We will not fail. Our country will thrive and prosper again.

We stand at the birth of a new millennium ready to unlock the histories of space, to free the earth from the miseries of disease and to harness the energies, industries, and technologies of tomorrow. 

A new national pride will lift our sights and heal our divisions. It's time to remember that old wisdom our soldiers will never forget, that whether we are black or brown or white, we all bleed the same red blood of patriots. We all enjoy the same glorious freedoms, and we all salute the same great American flag.

And whether a child is born in the urban sprawl of Detroit or the windswept plains of Nebraska, they look up at the same night sky. They fill their heart with the same dreams and they are infused with the breath of life by the same almighty creator. So, to all Americans in every city near and far, small and large, from mountain to mountain, from ocean to ocean, hear these words: You will never be ignored again. Your voice, your hopes and your dreams will define our American destiny. And your courage and goodness and love will forever guide us along the way.

Together we will make America strong again. We will make America wealthy again. We will make America proud again. We will make America safe again. And, yes, together, we will make America great again. Thank you. God bless you and god bless America. 
Thank you. God bless America."

TRUMP TAKES OATH OF OFFICE AS 45th PRESIDENT OF UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

WASHINGTON (AP) — Donald Trump was sworn in as the 45th president of the United States Friday, taking the helm of a deeply divided nation and putting Republicans in control of the White House for the first time in eight years.

The billionaire businessman and former reality television star has pledged an era of profound change, energizing his supporters with promises to wipe away predecessor Barack Obama's signature achievements and to restore America to a lost position of strength. But Trump's call for restrictive immigration measures and his caustic campaign rhetoric about women and minorities have infuriated other millions of Americans. He assumes office as one of the most unpopular incoming presidents in modern history.

The pomp and pageantry of the inaugural celebrations were also shadowed by questions about Trump's ties to Russia, which U.S. intelligence agencies have determined worked to tip the 2016 election to help the Republican win.

Trump's inauguration drew crowds to the nation's capital to witness the history. It repelled others. More than 60 House Democrats refused to attend his swearing in ceremony in the shadow of the Capitol dome. One Democrat who did sit among the dignitaries was Hillary Clinton, Trump's vanquished campaign rival who was widely expected by both parties to be the one taking the oath of office.

Instead, it was Trump placing his hand on two Bibles, one used by his family and another used for President Abraham Lincoln's inauguration. At 70, Trump is the oldest person to be sworn in as president, marking a generational step backward after two terms for Obama, one of the youngest presidents to serve as commander in chief.

Trump takes charge of an economy that has recovered from the Great Recession but has nonetheless left millions of Americans feeling left behind. The nation's longest war is still being waged in Afghanistan and U.S. troops are battling the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The American health care system was expanded to reach millions more Americans during Obama's tenure, but at considerable financial costs. Trump has vowed to dismantle and rebuild it.

Trump faces such challenges as the first president to take office without ever having held a political position or served in the military. He has stacked his Cabinet with established Washington figures and wealthy business leaders. Though his team's conservative bent has been cheered by many Republicans, the overwhelmingly white and male Cabinet has been criticized for a lack of diversity.

Officials expected hundreds of thousands of people to flock to the National Mall to witness the inauguration of the 45th president, though early crowds appeared smaller than past celebrations. Demonstrations unfolded at various security checkpoints near the Capitol as police in riot gear helped ticket-holders get through to the ceremony.

In a show of solidarity, all of the living American presidents attended the swearing-in ceremony, except for 92-year-old George H.W. Bush, who was hospitalized this week with pneumonia. His wife, Barbara, was also admitted to the hospital after falling ill.

While Trump came to power bucking convention, he wrapped himself in the traditions that accompany the peaceful transfer of power. Following a morning church service with his family, Trump and his wife, Melania, had tea at the White House with Obama and outgoing first lady Michelle Obama.

The two couples greeted each other with handshakes and hugs, and Mrs. Trump presented Mrs. Obama with a gift. Following their private gathering in the executive mansion, the Trumps and Obamas traveled together to the Capitol for the swearing in ceremony.

Friday, January 13, 2017

Nigeria, others may deploy troops against adamant Jammeh of Gambia

There is apprehension in The Gambia as the Information Ministry yesterday said President Yayah Jammeh would not step down when his mandate ends on January 18, in spite of his electoral defeat.

The autocrat, who ruled the small West African nation for 22 years, will remain in office until the Supreme Court decides on a petition filed by Jammeh. According to a report by the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), Jammeh is challenging the result of the December 1 presidential election. But the President-elect, Adama Barrow reiterated he was planning to take office on January 19, as scheduled.

Observers fear that the refusal of Jammeh to accept the outcome of the election, which is causing delays to the planned handover of power, could lead to violence that will cripple social and economic development of the country.The Gambia’s ‘current dysfunctional’ Supreme Court had adjourned hearing Jammeh’s petition till January 16 since only one of a required minimum of five judges was present.

Experts however believe it will be highly unlikely that four additional judges will be present on Monday because the Supreme Court has not been operational since Jammeh fired several of the judges in mid-2016. All other eligible Court of Appeal judges left the country after the December election.

Meanwhile, President Muhammadu Buhari will today jet out to Banjul, the capital of The Gambia and thereafter proceed to Bamako, the Malian capital to attend the 27th Africa-France summit holding from January 13 to 14, 2017.

In Banjul, President Buhari, as the mediator in The Gambia, is scheduled to meet with Jammeh and Barrow to continue dialogue on the political impasse in the West African country. Buhari will be joined by President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf of Liberia and Chairperson of the Authority of ECOWAS Heads of State and Government; President Ernest Koroma of Sierra Leone; and the immediate past President of Ghana, John Mahama, who is the co-meditator of The Gambian mission.

A statement from the Presidential Villa, Abuja yesterday said the Summit for Partnership, Peace and Emergence, convened by French President Francois Hollande is aimed at strengthening cooperation between France and African countries in the areas of peace and security, economic partnership and development.

Recognising the role played by France in the successes so far recorded in the implementation of the regional initiative against terrorism, President Buhari will reaffirm Nigeria’s commitment to global efforts on the war against terror and underline the need for improved collaboration to address the menace of terrorism in the region.

It was learnt yesterday that the Nigerian Army had raised an army battalion that would be deployed in troubled The Gambia to forcefully remove Jammeh from power if he failed to step down on January 19.A report by an online publication, PREMIUM TIMES indicated thatthe battalion, christened ECOMOG NIBATT 1, was drawn from the Army’s 19th Battalion based in Okitipupa, Ondo State.

Personnel were also drawn from other formations and units across the country due to shortage of men at 19 Battalion which has a significant chunk of its troops deployed for internal security task force, Operation Delta Safe.

According to the report, the Army Headquarters has instructed the nominated officers and men, put at over 800, to immediately report at the Nigerian Army School of Infantry, Jaji, for a crashed course on counter-terrorism and counter insurgency.

The Army Headquarters has also instructed the directorates of policy and plans; finance; and logistics to get ready funds, arms, ammunition and other logistics for the operation. The Armoured Corps is also working hard to get ready armoured vehicles needed for the task, the online publication said, quoting official sources.

There were suggestions by some of the sources that the Nigerian Air Force and the Navy might deploy men and equipment for the operation as well.Top military officers said the Nigerian Battalion would be deployed in The Gambia anytime after January 19 if Jammeh makes real his threat not to step down after the expiration of his tenure.

“This is an emergency operation, but we are ready,” one officer said. “The Nigerian Army is a strong, professional fighting force battle ready at anytime. We are so well structured that we can deploy at the touch of a button.

“We did it in Liberia, Sierra Leone and elsewhere. And Jammeh should know that we are not a joking force. Once we get it all clear from ECOWAS, the AU and the UN to move in, we can pick him up.”

The regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), had on December 23 put standby military forces on alert.The ECOWAS Commission President, Marcel de Souza, said Senegal, The Gambia’s only territorial neighbour, would lead any military operation in the country. Other West African countries will be mandated to provide troops as well, Mr. De Souza reportedly said.

However, at President Buhari’s meeting with security chiefs at the Presidential Villa in Abuja yesterday on the prevailing insecurity in southern Kaduna, the Niger Delta and other parts of the countr, the Minister of Defence, Mohammed Dan-Ali clarified that no conclusion had been reached on the issue of standby force to be deployed to The Gambia.

He added that the matter of forceful removal of Jammeh would be handled by ECOWAS.Jammeh lost the December 1, 2016 The Gambia presidential election to opposition candidate, Barrow.He initially accepted defeat and congratulated Barrow but changed his mind and decided to challenge the outcome of the election.He also vowed not to hand over to the winner as expected on January 19.

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Tuesday, January 3, 2017

BUHARI BEGINS PAYMENT OF N5,000 MONTHLY STIPEND THE UNEMPLOYED IN NINE STATES

President Muhammadu Buhari has started the payment of N5, 000 monthly stipends to the poorest and the most vulnerable in the country through the Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) of its Social Investment Programmes, SIP.

The President, during his election campaign had promised that, under the CCT, one million Nigerians would receive N5000 monthly payments as a form of social safety net for the poorest and most vulnerable and this was budgeted for in the 2016 Budget.

According to a statement by Laolu Akande, Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity in the Office of the Vice President, in the first batch that commenced last week, nine states would be covered, and many of the beneficiaries have already reported receiving their first payments by Friday last week, December 30, 2016.

“Funds for the commencement of the payments in four states were released last week to the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS) – the platform that hosts and validates payments for all government’s social intervention programmes. Funds for another set of five states to complete the first batch of nine states would follow soon,” the statement read.

“Though the sequence for the payment of the money would be operationally managed by NIBSS, beneficiaries in Borno, Kwara and Bauchi States have started receiving the money. The other states in the first batch to commence the CCT payments are Cross Rivers, Niger, Kogi, Oyo, Ogun and Ekiti States.

“The nine pilot states were chosen because they have an existing Social Register that successfully identified the most vulnerable and poorest Nigerians through a tried and tested community based targeting (CBT) method working with the World Bank.

“However other states have already begun developing their Social Registers and would be included in subsequent phases of the CCT implementation.

“Beneficiaries of the Conditional Cash Transfer of the Federal Government would be mined from the Social Register, initially developed by 8 States through a direct engagement with the World Bank.

“Those states are featured in the first batch, with the added inclusion of Borno States where a validated list of IDPS were compiled in addition to the Social Register which is expected to go round the country.”

Akande also revealed that the CBT process has been adopted for developing the Social Register in the other States around the country, for transparency, objectivity and credibility in the selection of the poorest and most vulnerable beneficiaries for the programme adding that the Federal Government will commence community mobilization for the creation of the Register in more States to expand the scope and reach of the CCT across the country.

Saturday, December 31, 2016

A BIGGER PROBLEM THAN ISIS?........The Mosul Dam is failing. A breach would cause a colossal wave that could kill as many as a million and a half people.


By Dexter Filkins

According to a U.S. Army Corps of Engineers assessment, “Mosul Dam is the most dangerous dam in the world.

On the morning of August 7, 2014, a team of fighters from the Islamic State, riding in pickup trucks and purloined American Humvees, swept out of the Iraqi village of Wana and headed for the Mosul Dam. Two months earlier, isis had captured Mosul, a city of nearly two million people, as part of a ruthless campaign to build a new caliphate in the Middle East. 

For an occupying force, the dam, twenty-five miles north of Mosul, was an appealing target: it regulates the flow of water to the city, and to millions of Iraqis who live along the Tigris. As the isis invaders approached, they could make out the dam’s four towers, standing over a wide, squat structure that looks like a brutalist mausoleum. Getting closer, they saw a retaining wall that spans the Tigris, rising three hundred and seventy feet from the riverbed and extending nearly two miles from embankment to embankment. Behind it, a reservoir eight miles long holds eleven billion cubic metres of water.

A group of Kurdish soldiers was stationed at the dam, and the isis fighters bombarded them from a distance and then moved in. When the battle was over, the area was nearly empty; most of the Iraqis who worked at the dam, a crew of nearly fifteen hundred, had fled. The fighters began to loot and destroy equipment. An isis propaganda video posted online shows a fighter carrying a flag across, and a man’s voice says, “The banner of unification flutters above the dam.”

The next day, Vice-President Joe Biden telephoned Masoud Barzani, the President of the Kurdish region, and urged him to retake the dam as quickly as possible. American officials feared that isis might try to blow it up, engulfing Mosul and a string of cities all the way to Baghdad in a colossal wave. Ten days later, after an intense struggle, Kurdish forces pushed out the isis fighters and took control of the dam.

But, in the months that followed, American officials inspected the dam and became concerned that it was on the brink of collapse. The problem wasn’t structural: the dam had been built to survive an aerial bombardment. (In fact, during the Gulf War, American jets bombed its generator, but the dam remained intact.) The problem, according to Azzam Alwash, an Iraqi-American civil engineer who has served as an adviser on the dam, is that “it’s just in the wrong place.” Completed in 1984, the dam sits on a foundation of soluble rock. To keep it stable, hundreds of employees have to work around the clock, pumping a cement mixture into the earth below. Without continuous maintenance, the rock beneath would wash away, causing the dam to sink and then break apart. But Iraq’s recent history has not been conducive to that kind of vigilance.

In October, Iraqi forces, backed by the United States, launched a sprawling military operation to retake Mosul, the largest city under isis control. The battle has sometimes been ferocious, with Iraqi soldiers facing suicide bombers, bombardments of chlorine gas, and legions of entrenched fighters. Although some Iraqi leaders predicted a quick success, it appears that the campaign to expel isis will be grinding and slow. And yet the biggest threat facing the people of northern Iraq may have nothing to do with who controls the streets.

In February, the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad issued a warning of the consequences of a breach in the dam. For a statement written by diplomats, it is extraordinarily blunt. “Mosul Dam faces a serious and unprecedented risk of catastrophic failure with little warning,” it said. Soon afterward, the United Nations released its own warning, predicting that “hundreds of thousands of people could be killed” if the dam failed. Iraq’s leaders, apparently fearful of public reaction, have refused to acknowledge the extent of the danger. But Alwash told me that nearly everyone outside the Iraqi government who has examined the dam believes that time is running out: in the spring, snowmelt flows into the Tigris, putting immense pressure on the retaining wall.

If the dam ruptured, it would likely cause a catastrophe of Biblical proportions, loosing a wave as high as a hundred feet that would roll down the Tigris, swallowing everything in its path for more than a hundred miles. Large parts of Mosul would be submerged in less than three hours. Along the riverbanks, towns and cities containing the heart of Iraq’s population would be flooded; in four days, a wave as high as sixteen feet would crash into Baghdad, a city of six million people. “If there is a breach in the dam, there will be no warning,” Alwash said. “It’s a nuclear bomb with an unpredictable fuse.”

Since civilization dawned in the Middle East, five and a half thousand years ago, the region’s politics and economy have centered on its two great rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates. The rivers, which enter Iraq from the north and converge two hundred and fifty miles south of Baghdad, form an extraordinarily fertile valley in an otherwise dry part of the world. 

For centuries, populations flourished by tilling the rich alluvial soil left behind each spring by floodwaters receding from the plains between Baghdad and the Persian Gulf. But the rivers also wreaked havoc, delivering too much water or not enough, and the settlements on their banks lurched between periods of drought and flood.

In the nineteen-fifties, governments in the region moved to assert greater control over the rivers with aggressive programs of dam construction. Dams regularize the flow of water, discourage floods, and, by storing water in reservoirs, minimize the impact of droughts. They also give whoever controls them power over the flow of water downstream, rendering other countries.

In 1975, when both Syria and Turkey were completing dams on the Euphrates, and the reservoirs behind them began to fill, the river downstream dried up, forcing tens of thousands of Iraqi farmers to abandon their land. “You could walk across the Euphrates, it was so dry,” an Iraqi engineer who worked on the Mosul Dam told me. The same year, Turkey began surveying sites for another dam, just north of the border it shares with Iraq, on the Tigris River. Iraqi officials feared that, during the months or years when the new dam’s reservoir was being filled, many thousands of acres of farmland would have to be abandoned.

At the time, Saddam Hussein’s government was launching a hugely ambitious program of infrastructure development. The regime was awash in money; a previous government had nationalized the oil industry and renegotiated its relationships to the Western companies that had once controlled it. Saddam decided to build dams on both the Tigris and the Euphrates.

Western specialists began making surveys to find the most favorable site, but few places had the right topography for a reservoir: low-lying land, preferably surrounded by mountains. The geology presented even greater problems. Water in dam reservoirs creates tremendous pressure, and only solid rock can stop it from leaking underneath the dam. The surveys revealed a multilayer foundation of anhydrite, marl, and limestone, all interspersed with gypsum—which dissolves in contact with water. Dams built on this kind of rock are subject to a phenomenon called karstification, in which the foundation becomes shot through with voids and vacuums. According to former Iraqi officials who worked on the project, successive teams of geologists reached the same conclusion: no matter where they looked, the prevalence of gypsum would make maintaining a dam difficult.

The government settled on a site north of Mosul, which had the largest potential reservoir of any of the locations the geologists had scouted. “The engineers wanted to show Saddam that they could build something huge,” an Iraqi official who had worked on the dam told me. The location also offered the opportunity to open up tens of thousands of acres north of the dam to irrigation and agriculture, in a series of projects the government called al-Jazeera, or “the peninsula.”

In 1981, Saddam ordered the construction to begin—urged on, according to another former senior Iraqi official, by the military situation. (The official, who lives in Baghdad, spoke to me on condition of anonymity, fearing that he would lose his pension if he spoke out.) A year before, Saddam had launched a huge invasion of Iran, hoping to seize its oilfields and possibly to overthrow its government. But the Iranians pushed back, and the war became a bloody stalemate, with fighting concentrated along the border, near the southern city of Basra.

As the Iraqi soldiers dug in, they were vulnerable to the fluctuations of the Tigris. In 1954 and again in 1969, floods had swept through the south of Iraq, separating Basra from the rest of the country. “Historically, when there is above-average flooding on the Tigris, southern Iraq becomes one large lake,” the retired official told me. Iraq’s leaders feared that they were due for another flood, which would strand the Army. “It was of the utmost importance to begin construction of the dam as quickly as possible,” the official said.

The decision to build the dam started a decades-long argument over who is responsible for the looming disaster. Nasrat Adamo, a former senior official at the Iraqi Ministry of Irrigation, told me that a consortium of Swiss firms hired to oversee the process assured government officials that the gypsum problem could be managed. “We listened to the top experts,” he said. “Everybody agreed that this would not be too serious.” Adamo remains bitter. “The Iraqi government—in a way, I think they were cheated,” he told me. But other people who were involved in building the dam argued that the Iraqis should have been more cautious: the Swiss explained clearly that the site was problematic, and geologists working in the area had raised concerns for decades. They also noted that Soviet and French companies bidding on the project had asked for further surveys and been told that there wasn’t time. Iraqi officials were terrified of disappointing Saddam. Adamo told me that the Minister of Irrigation feared for his life: “If the dam failed, he would be hanged.”

The dam was built in three years, largely by workers from China. Today, a stone memorial on top of the dam commemorates nineteen Chinese nationals who died during its construction; the memorial, inscribed in English and Chinese but not in Arabic, does not give the cause of their deaths. Alwash, the Iraqi-American hydrological engineer, told me that, in Iraq, when laborers fell into wet cement during large infrastructure projects, it was common for the work to carry on. “When you’re laying that much cement on a dam, you can’t stop,” Alwash said. In 1985, the reservoir filled up, and the structure—named the Saddam Dam—began holding back the Tigris.

Shortly after the dam went into use, Nadhir al-Ansari, a consulting engineer, made an inspection for the Ministry of Water Resources. “I was shocked,” he told me. Sinkholes were forming around the dam, and pools of water had begun bubbling up on the banks downstream. “You could see the cracks, you could see the fractures underground,” Ansari said. The water travelling around the dam, known as “seepage,” is normal in limited amounts, but the gypsum makes it potentially catastrophic. “When I took my report back to Baghdad, the chief engineer was furious—he was more than furious. But it was too late. The dam was already finished.”

To control the erosion, the government began a crash program of filling the voids with cement, a process called “grouting.” Meanwhile, Iraqi officials rushed to build a second dam, near a town called Badush, which could help prevent flooding in case the Mosul Dam collapsed. By 1990, just six years later, the new dam was forty per cent complete. 

Then Saddam sent his Army into Kuwait, sparking the Gulf War, and he ordered all the earthmoving equipment stripped from the Badush site and sent to the front lines. When the United States and its allies arrived to expel the Iraqis from Kuwait, they bombed all the equipment. After the war, inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Association discovered stockpiles of nuclear materials near Badush, apparently part of Saddam’s secret weapons program. The U.N. imposed economic sanctions on Iraq, impoverishing the country for a decade. Work on Badush never resumed. “Nobody wanted to go anywhere near the place,” Adamo told me. “This is the story of Iraq.”

When the Americans invaded in 2003, they discovered a country shattered by sanctions. Power plants flickered, irrigation canals were clogged, bridges and roads were crumbling; much of the infrastructure, it seemed, had been improvised. The U.S. government poured billions of dollars into rebuilding it, and in 2006 the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers began several assessments of the Mosul Dam. The first report was dire, predicting “mass civilian fatalities” if it failed. “In terms of internal erosion potential of the foundation, Mosul Dam is the most dangerous dam in the world,” it said.

Farhad Shekhamen, a peshmerga fighter, stands before the Mosul Dam as members of his unit go for a swim. Peshmerga forces pushed out ISIS from the dam two and a half years ago.
Farhad Shekhamen, a peshmerga fighter, stands before the Mosul Dam as members of his unit go for a swim. Peshmerga forces pushed out isis from the dam two and a half years ago.
Photograph by Victor J. Blue for The New Yorker
Iraqi officials were publicly skeptical, but, under pressure from the Americans, they agreed to lower the maximum depth of the reservoir by about thirty feet, to take pressure off the dam wall. At the same time, American officials also began urging Iraq to modernize the equipment used to reënforce the foundation. In 2011, the Iraqi government chose an Italian engineering company, Trevi S.p.A., to begin a restoration, but the discussions broke down. A spokesman for Trevi told me he didn’t know why. A senior American official who has spent years working in Iraq confided that the deal may have stalled after Trevi refused an Iraqi demand for a kickback. “It was too big for the Italians to make,” the official told me.

In November, 2015, Mohsen al-Shammari, then the Minister for Water Resources, told reporters that there was no chance that the dam would collapse: “Whoever is saying it’s about to collapse is only talking.” Shammari is a follower of Moqtada al-Sadr, the fiery cleric whose soldiers fought the United States during the occupation. Sadr’s followers refuse to meet with American officials, and so, until a new water minister, Hassan al-Janabi, took office earlier this year, no Iraqi minister responsible for the Mosul Dam had spoken to an American official in five years. Even Janabi, who American officials say is fully aware of the problems at the dam, dodged the issue when I asked about it this summer. “I have not inspected the dam personally, so I cannot say for sure if there are any problems there,” he said. “Call me after I have gone there and inspected it.”

In private, some Iraqis pose conspiracy theories. “I know a lot of Iraqis who think this is just a big psyops operation by the U.S. government—senior officials, not just Iraqis on the street,” a former American official told me. 

Part of the problem, he argued, is a tradition of inertia, begun during Saddam’s dictatorship, in which officials live in fear of being penalized for taking initiative. “Iraqis will ignore the problem until the day the dam collapses,” he told me. “I’ve seen it over and over and over again. If the boss says there’s no problem, then there is no problem. And the day there is a problem, it’s, like, ‘Help!’ ”

Riyadh al-Naemi, the dam’s director, looks like a holdover from the Baathist era. He wears a stout mustache, talks like a technocrat, and starts answering a visitor’s questions before he’s finished asking. 

Naemi has spent his career at the Mosul Dam; he was a young engineering graduate when it opened, and he remembers the day Saddam paid a visit, shortly after the Iran-Iraq War ended. Naemi has heard all the predictions of the dam’s imminent demise. “Sure, we have problems,” he says. “But the Americans are exaggerating. This dam is not going to collapse. Everything is going to be fine.”

Naemi told me that some American officials had come to him earlier this year to warn that the dam was going to break, and confronted him with satellite photos that showed water from the reservoir seeping through the sides of the dam. “I told them it was not important,” he said. “I explained to them that there was no problem—and they agreed with me.” The senior American official, frustrated at the years of inaction, told me that the Americans were not persuaded by Naemi: “He is not going to tell us the sky is falling. We shared the data that showed the risks of the dam, and it’s terrifying.”

The potential disaster has presented American officials with a public-relations quandary: the people they are trying to help won’t publicly concede that there’s a problem. In response, U.S. officials have gone silent. It took me more than a hundred phone calls, e-mails, and visits before a single American official was granted permission to speak to me on the record; even then, three other State Department officials listened in on the conversation. “We don’t want to publicly embarrass the Iraqis,” the senior American official told me.

A walk around the Mosul Dam gives you a sense of its scale and its problems. Four massive towers, part of the hydroelectric system, mark the western end. To the north is the reservoir, a deep-blue pool reaching to the gorge’s walls, miles away; to the south, the Tigris continues its long meander to the Persian Gulf. Along the edges of the dam, little springs spurt from the ground. Here and there are gauges and cameras, part of a system that collects real-time information—water pressure, temperature, chemistry—that the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers monitors around the clock.

At the bottom of the wall, where the Tigris gushes out, are two control gates, which allow water to be drained from the reservoir quickly, in case heavy rainfall or snowmelt builds up pressure on the dam wall. When I visited, in September, one of the gates was broken: stuck shut. The controllers have resorted to the working gate at least four times since isis was driven away from the dam. The final safety valve is a spillway—three hundred feet wide, half a mile long—that the dam’s controllers can throw open to prevent an imminent breach.

The work of maintaining the dam is performed in the “gallery,” a tunnel that runs inside the base, four hundred feet below the top. To get there, you enter through a portal near the river’s edge and walk down a sloping corridor into the center of the dam. The interior is cool and wet and dark. It feels like a mine shaft, deep under the earth. You can sense the water from the reservoir pressing against the walls.

Using antiquated pumps as large as truck engines, they drive enormous quantities of liquid cement into the earth. Since the dam opened, in 1984, engineers working in the gallery have pumped close to a hundred thousand tons of grout—an average of ten tons a day—into the voids below.

To keep the ground beneath the dam stable, workers in the gallery pump a cement mixture into the earth. Without continuous maintenance, soluble rock in the foundation would wash away, causing the dam to sink and then break apart.

To keep the ground beneath the dam stable, workers in the gallery pump a cement mixture into the earth. Without continuous maintenance, soluble rock in the foundation would wash away, causing the dam to sink and then break apart.

Up close, the work is wet, improvisatory, and deeply inexact. Gauges line the walls of the gallery, programmed to detect changes in pressure; water seeps through cracks in the floor. 

Ordinarily, the pressure is much higher on the upstream side—because the water is pressing against the dam wall. If the pressure readings on the two sides of the gallery begin to converge, water is probably passing underneath. “That means there’s a leak,” Hussein al-Jabouri, the deputy director of the dam, said, waving at a gauge.

Like his boss, Jabouri has worked at the dam since he was a young engineering graduate. Now, he told me, he is as sensitive to the dam’s changes as the electronic gear buzzing around him. Jabouri gave a signal—“Come”—and a crew of engineers wheeled one of the giant pumps into position. At his feet, all along the gallery floor, were holes that serve as guides for the industrial drills the engineers use to probe the voids.

At Jabouri’s command, the engineers began pushing a long, narrow pipe, tipped with a drill bit, into the earth. The void they were hunting for was deep below—perhaps three hundred feet down from where we were standing. After several minutes of drilling, a few feet at a time, the bit pushed into the void, letting loose a geyser that sprayed the gallery walls and doused the crew. 

The men, wrestling the pipe, connected it to the pump. Jabouri flicked a switch, and, with the high-pitched whine of a motorcycle engine, the machine reversed the pressure and the grout began to flow, displacing the water in the void. “It’s been like this for thirty years,” Jabouri said with a shrug. “Every day, nonstop.”

When I visited, only four grouting machines, instead of the usual eleven, were in use. The engineers operating them can’t see the voids they are filling and have no way of discerning their size or shape. A given void might be as big as a closet, or a car, or a house. 

It could be a single spacious cavity, requiring mounds of grout, or it could be an octopus-like tangle, with winding sub-caverns, or a hairline fracture. “We feel our way through,” Jabouri said, standing by the pump. Generally, smaller cavities require thinner grout, so Jabouri started with a milky solution and increased its thickness as the void took more. Finally, after several hours, he stopped; his intuition, aided by the pressure gauges, told him that the cavity was full. “It’s a crapshoot,” Alwash told me. “There’s no X-ray vision. You stop grouting when you can’t put any more grout in a hole. It doesn’t mean the hole is gone.”

The dam’s reservoir is eight miles long and contains eleven billion cubic metres* of water.

Theoretically, it’s possible that all the voids underneath the Mosul Dam could be filled—that all the gypsum could be replaced with grout. “Not in our lifetimes,” an Army Corps of Engineers specialist told me. In the meantime, he said, “there are just enormous quantities of gypsum that are washing away.”

When isis fighters took the dam, in 2014, they drove away the overwhelming majority of the dam’s workers, and also captured the main grout-manufacturing plant in Mosul. Much of the dam’s equipment was destroyed, some by isis and some by American air strikes. The grouting came to a standstill—but the passage of water underneath the dam did not.

Iraqi and American officials are reluctant to discuss how long the grouting was suspended. Naemi, the dam’s director, maintained that it stopped for less than three weeks, while the battle for the dam was raging. American officials said they weren’t sure. Jabouri, the deputy director, told me that work had ceased entirely for about four months. Adamo, who said that he’d been in regular contact with the engineers at the dam, told me, “The grouting work stopped for eighteen months.”

It’s one of the ironies of Iraq’s political situation that the dam’s turbines still provide electricity to Mosul, which is now under isis control; intelligence reports indicate that isis has earned millions of dollars by taxing the electricity. After the peshmerga captured the dam two years ago, Kurdish officials intended to shut down the turbines, but American officials told them that this would add more water to the reservoir, making the dam more likely to burst. So isis continued to profit from the dam. “We wanted to strangle them, but we weren’t allowed,” a Kurdish official told me.

When the dam was recaptured, American engineers and scientists worried that the lapse in grouting had hastened the erosion of the dam’s foundation. Using satellite photos and data from gauges around the dam, they tried to assess its condition. According to a U.S. Army Corps of Engineers report, numerous voids had opened up below the dam—as much as twenty-three thousand cubic metres’ worth. “The consensus was that the dam could break at any moment,” John Schnittker, an economist who has been working on water issues in Iraq for more than a decade, said.

In the language of hydraulic engineering, the process eroding the foundation is known as “solutioning.” If that problem is not addressed, what happens next is “piping”: water begins to travel between the voids, moving horizontally beneath the dam. To illustrate, American engineers have devised a triangular chart. The process begins, at the apex, with solutioning, advances through cavity formation and piping, and ends with core collapse and, finally, dam breach—like a Florida sinkhole opening up, unannounced, beneath a shopping center. Engineers jokingly refer to the chart as the “triangle of death.” Schnittker told me, “Once piping begins, there is no going back. In twelve hours, the dam is gone.”

In 2010, an Iraqi graduate student commissioned a bathymetric survey of the reservoir floor, which is more than a hundred and sixty feet underwater. The survey showed a surface pockmarked with sinkholes, some of them sixty-five feet wide. “The danger is that the cavities underneath the dam will become much, much larger,” Adamo, the former deputy director of dams, told me.

In January, a team of American scientists reported that a thirty-metre-wide block on the western side of the dam had tilted, with one end sinking into the earth a tenth of an inch. (The State Department has refused to make the report public.) It was the fourth time the dam had moved since November, 2015. To engineers, uneven movement of a dam means that the ground underneath may be falling away; the uneven pressure could ultimately cause a breach.

Naemi, the dam’s overseer, said that the dam was merely “settling” into the earth. But most dams stop settling within a few months after they are built. Outside experts, including Ansari, told me that for the dam to move that much was highly irregular. “That’s more than it’s moved in thirty years,” he said. Alwash, the Iraqi civil engineer, told me, “Something has changed. The underlying soil is readjusting itself because of the voids.”

A second report, also kept from the public, was equally alarming. Like the first, it concluded that sections of the dam were moving unevenly, that water was passing through the foundation rapidly, and that water downstream contained high concentrations of dissolved gypsum—evidence of large voids. A chart compared the relative chances of collapse of a number of dams worldwide, and the likely death toll. A small number of dams were grouped toward the middle of the chart, indicating a moderate level of risk; the Mosul Dam stood by itself, nearly off the chart. “No dam in the world has all the conditions for imminent failure, except the dam in Mosul,” Adamo said.

In the nineteen-seventies, the U.S. government built a dam on the Snake River in Idaho, atop a foundation of deeply fractured layers of basalt and rhyolite. As in Mosul, experts expressed concerns but decided that aggressive grouting would allow the dam to function normally.

The Teton Dam opened in the fall of 1975; the following June, cracks appeared in the main wall, and water from the reservoir began to leak through. Within hours, the cracks spread, the dam disintegrated, and a wall of water poured forth. The wave swept aside everything in its path, including two towns, at least eleven people, and thousands of cattle. The water knocked loose a large clutch of felled trees from a nearby forest, which washed downstream and crashed into a gasoline storage tank. The leaking gas burst into flames, and the fire, as it spread, destroyed several hundred homes that had been spared by the flood.

The U.S. Embassy’s report on the Mosul Dam envisions a similar scenario, magnified by the dam’s greater size and the densely populated areas downstream. A “tsunami-like wave” would rush through Mosul, carrying away everything in its path, including bodies, buildings, cars, unexploded bombs, hazardous chemicals, and human waste. The wave would almost certainly catch most of the people trying to outrun it.
 
Residents of Mosul, scrambling on foot and by car through a citywide traffic jam, would need to travel at least three and a half miles to survive. In less than an hour, those who remained would be under as much as sixty feet of water.

A boy takes an inner tube to go fishing on the Tigris River near Wanke, a farming village three miles downstream of the dam. If the dam fails, Wanke could be under sixty feet of water in minutes. Previously under the control of the Islamic State, Wanke was liberated by peshmerga fighters, but ISIS positions are still visible from the riverbank.

A boy takes an inner tube to go fishing on the Tigris River near Wanke, a farming village three miles downstream of the dam. If the dam fails, Wanke could be under sixty feet of water in minutes. Previously under the control of the Islamic State, Wanke was liberated by peshmerga fighters, but isis positions are still visible from the riverbank.

With Mosul and other nearby villages occupied by isis, an orderly evacuation would be unlikely; the prospect of large numbers of people fleeing cities under isis control would pose its own security challenges.
“Some evacuees may not have freedom of movement sufficient to escape,” the report said. An inland tidal wave could displace the 1.2 million refugees now living in tents and temporary quarters in northern Iraq, adding to the chaos.

The wave, the Embassy’s report predicted, would move rapidly through the cities of Bayji, Tikrit, and Samarra, wiping out roads, power stations, and oil refineries; damage to the electrical grid would probably leave the entire country without power. At least two-thirds of Iraq’s wheat fields would be flooded.

South of Samarra, residents would likely have to get farther away to avoid flooding, since the land begins to flatten out, making the floodplain wider. Shallow floods, the State Department said, could not be ignored. “Less than six inches of moving water is strong enough to knock a person off his feet,” the statement said.

Within four days, the wave would reach Baghdad, depositing as much as sixteen feet of water in many areas of the city, probably including the airport and the Green Zone, the site of government buildings and most of the embassies. The report said the majority of the city’s six million residents would face Hurricane Katrina-like conditions: people forced from their homes, with limited or no mobility and no essential services.

The Iraqi government—embattled, paralyzed, ineffectual—seems highly unlikely to carry out meaningful evacuations or large-scale relief efforts in the event of a breach. “The sheer scale of a catastrophic outburst of the dam would overwhelm in-country capacities to respond,” the U.N. report said. Adamo, the former official, scoffed at the idea that the government could save anyone. “They have no plan,” he said. American officials, emphasizing the practical option of “self-evacuation,” have urged the Iraqis to place early-warning sirens along the Tigris. Thus far, two have been installed. “They’re really, really loud,” the senior American official told me; they can be heard for miles. Still, as people flee, the sick, disabled, and elderly would likely be left behind. With the Baghdad International Airport flooded, meaningful relief from outside the country might be days away. The U.N. predicted that most of the population affected by the flood would not receive any assistance for at least two weeks, and probably much longer. About four million Iraqis—an eighth of the country’s population—would be left homeless.

By the time the flood wave rolled past Baghdad and exhausted itself, as many as one and a half million people could be dead. But, some experts told me, the aftermath would prove even more harrowing. “I am not really worried about the dead—because they’re dead,” Alwash said. “What worries me is everyone else. How do you feed six million people in Baghdad when it’s flooded? How do you give them electricity? Where do they go?”

Nadhir al-Ansari, the engineer who made the first inspection of the Mosul Dam, now lives in LuleÃ¥, Sweden. Adamo, the former chief engineer, lives in Norrköping, about six hundred and fifty miles to the south. The two remain obsessed with the dam, haunted by decisions made more than thirty years ago. 

They confer on the phone daily and get together to discuss the situation; they sometimes reach out to engineers who work at the dam. Adamo keeps an up-to-date maintenance log in his office in Norrköping. Neither he nor Ansari is optimistic that the Iraqi government will be able to solve the problem in time. “I am convinced the dam could fail tomorrow,” Adamo said.

Perhaps the simplest solution is to scrap the dam entirely and make a deal to lease Turkish dams north of the border. But the political instability in the region makes such an accord practically impossible. Another option is to re-start construction of the half-completed dam at Badush, but the smaller reservoir would likely require tens of thousands of acres of land to be removed from cultivation. 

A third option, which has lately gained currency, is to erect a “permanent” seal of the existing dam wall—a mile-long concrete curtain dropped eight hundred feet into the earth. This would cost an estimated three billion dollars. The Iraqi government—nearly paralyzed by internal conflicts—seems unlikely to impose a solution anytime soon.

Early in 2016, under American prodding, the Iraqis reopened negotiations with Trevi S.p.A., the Italian firm. In September, a team of engineers, hired at a cost of three hundred million dollars, arrived at the dam to perform a crash repair job. Their main task is to install updated equipment, designed to fill the voids beneath the dam more precisely, and to repair the broken control gate. 

Under the contract, the Italians will do the grouting for a year, and then leave the equipment with their Iraqi counterparts. The engineers say that they are confident they can prevent the dam’s foundation from washing away. But Pierluigi Miconi, Trevi’s project manager, told me that some of the voids may require tens of thousands of gallons of grout. In some cases, he said, it may take days to fill a single void. “This is an urgent project,” he said.

Last year, Alwash, the Iraqi-American civil engineer, was told by an official of the European Union that the dam is most susceptible to failure in the spring, when the snow melts and the Tigris is at its highest. 

The officials who first argued for the construction of the Mosul Dam, back in the eighties, were motivated by similar concerns about snowmelt—and they were proved right. In 1988, there was a huge melt, which would almost certainly have flooded the southern marshes if the dam had not contained the worst of it. 

Last spring, the Iraqi government prepared by lowering the maximum water level in the reservoir, to ease severe pressure on the dam wall. This year, such a precaution could dramatically lessen the number of people at risk—to about three hundred and sixty-four thousand.

The Trevi engineers, scrambling to keep the dam functioning, are operating in a militarized environment. Hundreds of Italian and Kurdish soldiers patrol the area, on alert for an attack by isis. In September, the Italian media reported that isis fighters were preparing an operation to recapture the dam. The following month, Kurdish forces fired a missile at a team of isis commandos who were approaching with a load of explosives.

For local residents, the threat of imminent violence has outweighed the threat from the dam. In Wanke, a small farming community about three miles downstream of the dam, isis positions are visible from the riverbank. When I visited, I found Mohammed Nazir, a Kurdish farmer, irrigating his field. For years, he told me, Wanke was a mixed Arab-Kurdish community. But when isis fighters swept in, during the summer of 2014, many of his Arabic neighbors stepped forward to help the invaders. “They told us, ‘This is not a Kurdish town anymore,’ ” Nazir said. “It was humiliating. They started ordering us around. I knew their children. I went to their weddings. They betrayed everything in life.”

Nazir and his family escaped to a nearby village, where they lived with relatives for a year and a half before isis was expelled from Wanke. When the family moved back, Nazir found that his Arab neighbors had fled with the retreating invaders. “They are not welcome back here,” he said.

Nazir knows that, if the dam fails, Wanke could be under sixty feet of water in a matter of minutes. But, he told me, neither he nor anyone else in the village thinks much about it. People in his part of the world are accustomed to having their lives upended. “We survived Saddam, we survived isis, and we will survive the Mosul Dam,” he said. 


source: The New Yorker

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